Most Viewed From Partizán (HU)

Thirty years, three eras: they have been trying to save the Hungarian film industry again and again over the decades. Among these attempts were highs, lows, countless deals and compromises. And now some say that we are living in the saddest period of Hungarian filmmaking.

Bugs, the banning of Pride, incitement against Ukraine — in 2025, Fidesz faces the looming threat of defeat, and Viktor Orbán’s camp has launched a counterattack. Many expect the most brutal campaign the regime has ever conducted. There’s nothing new about the method. Just as this isn’t the first time Orbán’s power has been in danger. Stolen public funds, the internet tax, brokerage scandals, the U.S. entry ban, the so-called "G-Day" — ten years ago, Fidesz’s support plummeted within months, and their system fell into crisis almost immediately after winning the 2014 election. But the arrival of masses fleeing war offered a perfect opportunity to test a new strategy. And the experiment worked: this was the moment when hate became the cornerstone of the Orbán regime.

In 2020 the Hungarian government announced the change of ownership at nine state universities in order to make them maintained by foundations. The so-called “restructuring” comprised the imposition of a board of trustees over the universities, the members of which being loyal supporters of the government holding stable positions in its economic halo. Only one of the nine institutions protested against the forced political takeover of the University of Theatre and Film Arts (SZFE). Our film presents one of the stories of the university blockade.

Everyone suspected there had been fraud in the election - Partizán is now showing what happened! In our first investigative documentary, we looked at who was behind the parties known in the press only as camouflage parties, how they stole billions of forints in campaign money, and how Fidesz also benefited from it.

Until the mid 2000s, Tiszavári was one of MSZP's most important bases, but then a sharp change occurred in the city's and the electoral district's history, so much so that after 2010 it became known as Jobbik's capital city. Today it has Fidesz leadership.