Can Dündar

How will history remember him? The honest politician who brought the left to power, the reliable plane tree of the state, the poet who adds elegance to politics? Or is it the stubborn, skeptical, lonely leader who hinders the unity of the left? How many people will remember the legend of Karaoğlan, which was written on the mountains and stones in the milestones of democracy? And how many of them will question the reasons for the rise from the top to the prison, from the prison to the top again, and then to be forgotten at the ballot box? How will Turkey remember a leader who left his mark in the last fifty years, a republican intellectual, the captain of the country's most critical days?

Bülent Ecevit had dreams of a modest, serene life away from competition and politics. He imagined that he would write poems throughout his life and take refuge in that serene, purified world of art, poetry and aesthetics, against the harsh and harsh reality of daily life. While escaping the hazy atmosphere of politics, he could not even guess where his decision on the day he stepped into politics would take him...

A political amateur who was kneaded with art in the first half of the 1950s and was enthused with the idealism of politics in the second half, was now a person who was dealing with politics and state affairs 24 hours a day, gradually getting hotter and broadening his goals and horizons. In this section, you will follow the milestones of the poet's hopeful arrival in the 1970s, not a dream that the poet remembers with longing, but is no longer left behind. Contrary to the poem, you will recognize the struggle of a stubborn, belligerent missionary who is incompatible with the world. You will witness how it changed in that struggle and how this change affected a country...

What Ecevit feared had happened to him. Someone blew the whistle and the game was over. The name of the game was democracy. Those who finished the game, that is, those who took on the role of referees, were soldiers... The September 12 administration started by blaming the administrators, that is, the politicians. According to the military, incompetent and uncompromising politicians were responsible for the crisis in the country. Now they would put new rules into the game and this time there would be no old actors on the field. Ecevit's political life, which lasted for 27 years, was ending on the morning of September 12...

A political adventure that started with a modest membership ceremony in the Çankaya District Building of the CHP in 1954 and ended in 2004, covering exactly 50 years. Bülent Ecevit was the name that left his mark on Turkey's multi-party years. The politics he said goodbye to was his way of life. No politician has ever been written on the mountains and stones like him... No politician has ever been as critical of the future of the left as he was. His name was sometimes referred to as a "divisive" and sometimes "honest politician. Bülent Ecevit was engraved in history as the memory of the multi-party period and as an example of a politician's exit from the ballot box and his exhaustion...

Turkey's history has been shaped by two major political figures: Mustafa Kemal (1881-1934), known as Atatürk, the Father of the Turks, founder of the modern state, and the current president Recep Tayyıp Erdoğan, who apparently wants Turkey to regain the political and military pre-eminence it had as an empire under the Ottoman dynasty.

A look back over nine years of the Syrian Civil War, an inextricable conflict, like a black box, due to the competing interests of the many factions in presence and those of the foreign powers.

From the famous Turkish journalist, Can Dündar narrates the last 300 days of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk. The documentary features the stories and mails from the friends of Atatürk who is the founder of Turkish Republic and also led the Turkish army in the Turkish War of Independence

The biography of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, who not only grew himself up from a poor lonely child to a country's most loved person, but also rose a new country from the ashes of an empire. A story of a soldier, an eminent statesman and a great reformist.

The biography of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, who not only grew himself up from a poor lonely child to a country's most loved person, but also rose a new country from the ashes of an empire. A story of a soldier, an eminent statesman and a great reformist.

How will history remember him? The honest politician who brought the left to power, the reliable plane tree of the state, the poet who adds elegance to politics? Or is it the stubborn, skeptical, lonely leader who hinders the unity of the left? How many people will remember the legend of Karaoğlan, which was written on the mountains and stones in the milestones of democracy? And how many of them will question the reasons for the rise from the top to the prison, from the prison to the top again, and then to be forgotten at the ballot box? How will Turkey remember a leader who left his mark in the last fifty years, a republican intellectual, the captain of the country's most critical days?

Bülent Ecevit had dreams of a modest, serene life away from competition and politics. He imagined that he would write poems throughout his life and take refuge in that serene, purified world of art, poetry and aesthetics, against the harsh and harsh reality of daily life. While escaping the hazy atmosphere of politics, he could not even guess where his decision on the day he stepped into politics would take him...

A political amateur who was kneaded with art in the first half of the 1950s and was enthused with the idealism of politics in the second half, was now a person who was dealing with politics and state affairs 24 hours a day, gradually getting hotter and broadening his goals and horizons. In this section, you will follow the milestones of the poet's hopeful arrival in the 1970s, not a dream that the poet remembers with longing, but is no longer left behind. Contrary to the poem, you will recognize the struggle of a stubborn, belligerent missionary who is incompatible with the world. You will witness how it changed in that struggle and how this change affected a country...

What Ecevit feared had happened to him. Someone blew the whistle and the game was over. The name of the game was democracy. Those who finished the game, that is, those who took on the role of referees, were soldiers... The September 12 administration started by blaming the administrators, that is, the politicians. According to the military, incompetent and uncompromising politicians were responsible for the crisis in the country. Now they would put new rules into the game and this time there would be no old actors on the field. Ecevit's political life, which lasted for 27 years, was ending on the morning of September 12...

A political adventure that started with a modest membership ceremony in the Çankaya District Building of the CHP in 1954 and ended in 2004, covering exactly 50 years. Bülent Ecevit was the name that left his mark on Turkey's multi-party years. The politics he said goodbye to was his way of life. No politician has ever been written on the mountains and stones like him... No politician has ever been as critical of the future of the left as he was. His name was sometimes referred to as a "divisive" and sometimes "honest politician. Bülent Ecevit was engraved in history as the memory of the multi-party period and as an example of a politician's exit from the ballot box and his exhaustion...

"Strange" has been written and directed by Can Dundar and it has three sections, "A Separation", "A Destitution", "A Death", documenting Neset Ertas' musical journey. Shootings of locations where Ertas lived, footage of the musical master Muharrem Ertas and various other rich visual material enrich the value of the documentary. This is a considerably valuable work to document and archive the life of one of the most important bards of the Turkish cultural history and folk music.

"Strange" has been written and directed by Can Dundar and it has three sections, "A Separation", "A Destitution", "A Death", documenting Neset Ertas' musical journey. Shootings of locations where Ertas lived, footage of the musical master Muharrem Ertas and various other rich visual material enrich the value of the documentary. This is a considerably valuable work to document and archive the life of one of the most important bards of the Turkish cultural history and folk music.

February 28 is Deniz Gezmiş's birthday… He would have been 75 years old today; but it only lived for 25 years, and in those 25 years, it had an impact that spanned 75 years. When you have a 25-year-old son, one feels better, what was done to him...

From the famous Turkish journalist, Can Dündar narrates the last 300 days of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk. The documentary features the stories and mails from the friends of Atatürk who is the founder of Turkish Republic and also led the Turkish army in the Turkish War of Independence

In 1965,a two-month-old leader,the commander of the Western Front, knocked down the big plane tree in a shake. One was 40, the other 80. In the last 5 years, it wasnt even possible to think of a government without İnönü in the country,but things were changing.Actually, Demirel was supposed to take the task, but the AP leader did not want it. It's good for the prime minister. He was inexperienced. A moderate name was found for this eight-month temporary period: Suat Hayri Ürgüplü, one of the former ministers of İnönü, and the new EP Senator. Demirel also sat on the chair of the deputy prime minister. For the first time in his life, he entered the General Assembly Hall of the Assembly during this period. Although he was not a deputy, he settled at the forefront of the Cabinet of Ministers, met with the government, and reconciled with the circles that were said to never give power to the EP. At the end of eight months, when the elections were at the door, the squares were waiting for him

The slogan "Great Türkiye" began to be heard for the first time in the mid-60s. The Turkish economy had become unstable and stagnant at the hands of military interventions and the provisional government. After 1965, the system began to settle. The economy's also recovered. With the 2nd Development Plan, the wheels of a liberal economy were turned. On the 1 hand, private sector incentives, big projects such as Keban Dam and Bosphorus Bridge. Electricity was going to the villages, Turkey was getting its share from the growth in the world, the country was "doubling up" in the words of the prime minister. Inflation was five percent. Demirel, who rushed from one groundbreaking ceremony to the next, had nothing to say. Of course, this vitality was also reflected in social life. Unions, associations, universities were fidgety. The world and Türkiye were going to 1968 at full speed. The year that gave its name to a generation in the history of the world and Turkey; 1968 had come...

We are now saying goodbye to the 1960s. The 60's started eventfully on May 27. It ended as eventfully as it began. The '70s inherited escalating violence, student riots, and rumors of intervention. Prime Minister Demirel was trying to put out the fire in the street and to calm the increasingly restless army on the other. The October 1969 elections were held in this atmosphere and the Justice Party came out of the ballot box again. May 27 came by overthrowing the DP government, but the AP, which declared that three of the three elections held since the 1960s, were the continuation of the DP, emerged successfully. Demirel was about to roll up his sleeves for a new era. He felt that no one could stop him now. He was wrong. As he was dizzy from victory, he fell at Caesar's fault. Forgot about Brutus...

Revolutionaries passed before the streets of the 1960s on the road to democracy. Then the youth with the victory songs, the workers with the rebel flags, the rightists, the leftists and the putschists again. The country spent 12 years in the grip of the revolution and in the end all roads came to the same crossroads. Ankara was restless in the minutes when the ousted prime minister of the Democratic Party, Adnan Menderes, was hanged. The news of Menderes' execution had not yet come. There was an anxious wait in the houses. Ears were on the radio. Everyone was wondering what happened in Imrali. In the Assembly, the National Unity Committee was in a meeting. They were also trying to learn the fate of Menderes. Suddenly, news came that EP Chairperson Ragıp Gümüşpala and Secretary General Şinasi Osman wanted to meet with the committee urgently. The committee members did not break the request of their former commander Gümüşpala and made an appointment for 14:30...

When March of 1971 knocked on the door, a military intervention was imminent in the country. Bombs were exploding in a strange way from right to left, and the urban guerrilla was resorting to unconventional acts such as bank robbery and kidnapping. The generals had decided to put a stop to this trend. Dynamite was placed under Prime Minister Demirel. The question now was who would ignite the fuse of the dynamite. President Sunay was waiting to watch the approaching explosion silently from Çankaya. Tuğmaç, Chief of General Staff, tried to delay the explosion as much as possible, preferring Demirel to self-destruct. The two generals were watching each other to see who would ignite the fuse first. These two generals were Faruk Gürler and Muhsin Batur. The fire was in their hands. They were going to detonate the dynamite...

Demirkırat stumbled on March 12, 1971. Actually, you know, they shoot limping horses. But this time it didn't. Turkish democracy continued to run despite its wounds. Because March 12 was not a "seizure" but a "warning". The generals were saying, "If what we want is not done, we will seize it." The country was entering a new era under this Sword of Damocles. A president who was helpless in the face of events, a prime minister who had to leave his seat, a newly fallen parliament, four generals neither inside nor outside the power... Now, a solution would be tried to be found out of this complex equation. But how and with whom? No one knew the answer to these questions in Turkey on the morning of March 13.

In the words of those days, "The first parliament of the Second Republic opened in its new building at 15:00 on a Wednesday. At that moment, the National Unity Committee, which had been ruling the country since 27 May, vanished into history. Now there was an Assembly and a Senate. The old Members of the Committee of National Unity had been "senators of course" for life. The country was finally getting its parliament again after a year and a half hiatus. After many painful days and nights, the biggest share in this success belonged to İsmet İnönü...

Staff Colonel Talat Aydemir... Aydemir's February 22 rebellion was the first revolutionary attempt in Turkey that faced resistance. But it was also the most dangerous... The thing the army feared most happened to him. The most undesirable possibility of the commanders in charge came true and friction broke out between the armies. At that time, the commander of 27 May, Cemal Aga, was appointed to the presidency, but the discomfort did not end. A group led by Colonel Talat Aydemir sought to intervene again. However, a part of the army, especially the Air Force, left Aydemir alone at the last moment. Talat was still strong in Ankara. In order to break this power, Prime Minister İnönü found the formula to dismiss the leaders of the rebel officers and appoint them to the East. Here is February 22, the day when these appointments will be announced to the rebels. The apocalypse was expected that day. And it broke that day...

Revolutionaries passed before the streets of the 1960s on the road to democracy. Then the use of victory songs and rebellion flags, right-wingers, leftists and putschists again. The February 22nd Operation could not revolutionize, but it succeeded in overthrowing its government. Unexpectedly, because of an amnesty... İnönü kept Talat Aydemir's forgiveness by making a promise to him when he received him and drafting a law. But when this structure came to the Parliament, the AP members revolted. They also asked for the ex-Democrats to be pardoned. They said "all or nothing". It's a mess. When the AP insisted, İnönü resigned. Thus, without doing much work, Turkey's first settlement was dissolved in six months. İnönü was brought to the head of the new crime again. However, this time, EP was excluded and a second provision government was formed with CHP, YTP and CKMP. And the winds blowing from Kayseri would continue to sweep Ankara more...

By the end of 1963, the word coup was no longer spoken in Turkey. Talat Aydemir is history, the last tremors of the May 27 earthquake have passed and the sliding faults of the regime have begun to settle into place. In this transition period, which lasted more than four years, the person who managed to get the ship to the port without running aground was İsmet İnönü. He ruled for four troubled years in a country torn between armed uprisings, Cyprus crises, coalition governments and regime debates. But meanwhile, he was also worn out. In the local elections held at the end of 1963, while the CHP's votes remained at 37 percent, the AP found 45 percent. But on the very day of the final election results, a few gunshots heard from across the Atlantic turned everything upside down...

From the famous Turkish journalist, Can Dündar narrates the last 300 days of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk. The documentary features the stories and mails from the friends of Atatürk who is the founder of Turkish Republic and also led the Turkish army in the Turkish War of Independence

The night of July 15, 2016 changed the history of Turkey. On that day there were coordinated attacks by parts of the Turkish army, among others in Istanbul. The aim of the military: a coup against the government. The decisive confrontation occurred on the Bosporus Bridge. While President Erdogan was still on vacation, live at TV he called on the people who were devoted to him to stand against the military. As an enemy for the masses, he presented his adversary Fethullah Gülen, whom he branded as the coup leader. He also urged the imams of the country's mosques to condition the population to resist. And so it happens that at night thousands of agitated people take to the streets to oppose the armed insurgents. The death toll was high. 352 people died across Turkey during the attempted coup. The consequences are even more serious: Erdogan used this gift, as he called it himself, to undermine democracy, to arrange mass arrests of dissidents and to transform Turkey into a dictatorship.

The night of July 15, 2016 changed the history of Turkey. On that day there were coordinated attacks by parts of the Turkish army, among others in Istanbul. The aim of the military: a coup against the government. The decisive confrontation occurred on the Bosporus Bridge. While President Erdogan was still on vacation, live at TV he called on the people who were devoted to him to stand against the military. As an enemy for the masses, he presented his adversary Fethullah Gülen, whom he branded as the coup leader. He also urged the imams of the country's mosques to condition the population to resist. And so it happens that at night thousands of agitated people take to the streets to oppose the armed insurgents. The death toll was high. 352 people died across Turkey during the attempted coup. The consequences are even more serious: Erdogan used this gift, as he called it himself, to undermine democracy, to arrange mass arrests of dissidents and to transform Turkey into a dictatorship.